Thursday, March 26, 2015

मधुमेह का करोड़पति आयात-व्यापार 6, MAR, 2015, MONDAY DESHBANDHU, DELHI

मधुमेह का करोड़पति आयात-व्यापार

16, MAR, 2015, MONDAY deshbandhu, delhi

लीना मेहेंदले
भारत विश्वगुरु बने- नंबर-1 बने। ऐसा सपना देखने वालों की कमी नहीं है और वाकई एक मुद्दा ऐसा है जिस पर भारत नंबर वन बना हुआ है। वह है- डायबिटीज अर्थात् मधुमेह।आज संसार में सबसे अधिक मधुमेही मरीजों की संख्या हमारे ही देश में है। माना जाता है कि शहरी इलाकों में हर पांच में से एक व्यक्ति मधुमेह का शिकार है और गांव वाले भी कोई खास पीछे नहीं। पहले यह बीमारी प्रौढ़ावस्था की बीमारी मानी जाती थी पर अब छोटी आयु में भी यह बीमारी ग्रस रही है। लेकिन प्रश्न है कि मधुमेह हो जाये तो दिक्कत क्या है?
 मेरे परिचित एक परिवार में पति-पत्नी दोनों को मधुमेह की बीमारी थी। पत्नी पेशे से डॉक्टर भी थीं। दोनों पहले गोलियां और फिर इन्जेक्शन लेने लगे थे। मैं कभी  चिन्ता व्यक्त करती तो पत्नी कहती- क्या चिन्ता है? बस सुबह-शाम दवाई का ध्यान रखना पड़ता है। और तो कुछ नहीं। हां, ब्लड शुगर लेवल और बीपी लेवल जांचनी पड़ती है, पर उसमें क्या दिक्कत है? मैं तो दिन में सौ मरीजों की जांच करती हूं- एक अपनी भी सही। 
कुल मिलाकर यही लगता था कि मधुमेह उनके लिए कोई बीमारी, परेशानी या चिन्ता का कारण थी ही नहीं। दोनों का ऑफिस आना-जाना, घूमना-टहलना, विदेश भ्रमण आदि आराम से होता था। लेकिन मधुमेही होने और न होने का अंतर कुछ महीने पहले समझ में आ गया जब पत्नी का देहांत हुआ- जो कि आयु में मुझसे छोटी थी।
एक-दूसरा उदाहरण भी है। करीब बीस वर्ष पूर्व मैं केंद्र सरकार के राष्ट्रीय प्राकृतिक चिकित्सा संस्थान पुणे में डायरेक्टर के पद पर नियुक्त थी। तब हमने एक मधुमेह इलाज का कार्यक्रम चलाया था। इसमें तीस से चालीस तक मधुमेहग्रस्त व्यक्ति या मरीज बुधवार को दोपहर से तीन घंटे का समय संस्थान में व्यतीत करते थे। मधुमेह के कण्ट्रोल पर आपसी चर्चा, फिर हर प्रकार की स्वास्थ्य रक्षा प्रणाली के डॉक्टरों द्वारा व्याख्यान, उपाय, दिनचर्या, आहार व्यवस्थापन, नए जांच मशीनों की जानकारी, काम्प्लीकेशन आदि हर प्रकार की चर्चा होती थी। हमारा नारा था-अपना स्वास्थ्य अपने हाथ अर्थात् सेल्फ कण्ट्रोल।
और उसके सूत्र थे- आहार-विहार, आचार और विचार। रक्त शर्करा को प्राकृतिक उपायों से अपनी नियत मर्यादा में रखना- यही इस कार्यक्रम का लक्ष्य था जिसके लिए हमने 26 सप्ताह अर्थात् छ: महीने का कालावधि निश्चित किया था। इस कार्यक्रम में आने वाले प्राय: सभी व्याख्याताओं ने तथा खुद इलाज करवाने वालों ने भी एक मुद्दा बार-बार उठाया था। वह था कि हमारे देश में बढ़ते हुए मधुमेह के कारणों में तीन मुद्दों का बड़ा महत्व है। पहला है हमारा खानपान। रासायनिक खाद पर पुष्ट होने वाला धान्य और गोबर जैसे प्राकृतिक संसाधनों पर उपजाया धान्य- दोनों हमारे शरीर पर, खास कर स्वास्थ्य पर अलग-अलग प्रभाव डालते हैं। यह सारा ज्ञान बीस वर्ष पूर्व मैंने पुस्तकों से पढ़कर नहीं, बल्कि मरीजों के प्रत्यक्ष अनुभवों से लिया था। यहां तक कि सूती कपड़े और पॉलिएस्टर या कृत्रिम धागों के कपड़ों से भी अंतर पड़ता था। सूती कपड़े में भी खादी के अर्थात् हाथ से बुने गए कपड़े अधिक उपयोगी थे, यह भी हमारे मरीजों ने चर्चा के बाद पाया था। तो मैं फिर से सोचने लगती कि वाकई मधुमेह कोई दिक्कत वाली बीमारी तो है नहीं। बस यह ध्यान रखो कि क्या खाया, क्या पिया, क्या पहना-ओढ़ा और दिनचर्या कैसी रही। विचार कैसे रहे? सबसे बड़ी बात की मन शांति टिकाई या नहीं। यदि यह हो तो मधुमेह कुछ नहीं। विचारों के प्रभावपर भी हमने चर्चा की। और पाया कि चिन्ता, ईष्र्या, स्पर्धा, क्रोध आदि विचार ऐसे  थे जो मधुमेह को बढ़ाते थे। इसके विपरीत मन को शांत रखना, शांत म्युजि़क सुनना,  सादगीयुक्त  संतोषभरा जीवन आदि मधुमेह को रोकने के लिए उपयुक्त थे। बस इतनी सी बात।
लेकिन पिछले बीस वर्षों में मधुमेही बीमारों की संख्या बढ़ती गई और इसकी रोकथामको सरकार में  चिन्ता का विषय माना जाने लगा तो मैंने इसके दूसरे आयाम पर विचार किया। वैयक्तिक आयाम अलग होता है और राष्ट्रीय आयाम अलग होता है। वैयक्तिक रोकथाम व्यक्ति के हाथ में होती है परन्तु राष्ट्रीय आयाम पर राष्ट्रीय नीतियों का प्रभाव रहता है। राष्ट्रीय नीति पर अंतरराष्ट्रीय घटनाओं का विशेषकर अंतरराष्ट्रीय सत्ता स्पर्धा, बाजार व्यवस्थापन, आर्थिक शक्तियां आदि का प्रभाव रहता है। कई बार हमारे लिए उन्हें रोकना कठिन होता है। कई बार हमारे लिए उन्हें समझना और भी कठिन होता है। पर सबसे बुरा तब होता है जब हम उन्हें समझकर, पहचानकर उनसे हाथ मिलाएँ और अपने व्यक्तिगत लाभ की बात सोचें। हमारे राष्ट्रीय नीति निर्धारण में ऐसे लोग नहीं हैं ऐसा हम डंके की चोट पर नहीं कह सकते। वह भी हमारे राष्ट्रीय चरित्र में एक खोट है। लेकिन हाँ, जो अंतरराष्ट्रीय स्पर्धा को नहीं समझते, उन्हें समझाने का उपाय हमारे हाथ में बचा रहता है। यहीं से ग्राहक शक्ति का आरंभ होता है। 
इसीलिये ग्राहक को समझाना पड़ेगा कि हमारे देश में मधुमेह आयात का कारोबार कितना बड़ा है और इसे कौन चलाता है। फिर ग्राहक अर्थात् देश की जनता स्वयं निर्णय करे कि यह व्यापार चलने दिया जाय या इस पर रोक लगाया जाये।
देश में मधुमेह का आयात दो अलग रास्तों से होता है। उन पर व्यापार करने वाली कंपनियां एक-दूसरे से नितांत भिन्न व्यवसायों में हैं, लेकिन जाने-अनजाने एक-दूसरे की पूरक हैं। दोनों ही आयात अधिकतर अमेरिकी कंपनियां चलाती हैं। पहला व्यापार है दवाइयों का। मधुमेह पर उपाय के लिए इन्सुलिन या दूसरी गोलियां यहां तक कि रक्त शर्करा की जांच में प्रयुक्त होने वाली दवाइयां और तरह-तरह के उपकरण 
भी हम अमेरिकी कंपनियों से आयात करते हैं। मधुमेह के कारण जो अन्य प्रक्षोभ निर्माण होते हैं, जैसे हृदय की बीमारी, किडनी की बीमारी, आंखों की या लीवर की बीमारी, इन सब की दवाइयों का भी एक अन्य सुसंगठित आयात व्यापार है। इन व्यापारों में सालों साल किस प्रकार बढ़ोतरी हुई यह एक अच्छी खासी पीएचडी का विषय है। 
मधुमेह के आयात-व्यापार का दूसरा रास्ता है रासायनिक खाद के आयात का। शीघ्रगामी लाभ के लिए कृषि में रासायनिक खादों का प्रचलन हुआ। एनपीके का नाम एक वेदमंत्र की तरह लिया जाने लगा। महाराष्ट्र में तो सरकारी बैंक का क्षेत्र पूरी तरह से रासायनिक खाद के व्यापार पर ही निर्भर था। देश में राष्ट्रीय केमिकल एंड फर्टिलाइजर नामक बड़ी कंपनी खुली। उससे अलग भी कई सरकारी कंपनियां रासायनिक खाद बनाने में जुट गईं। इनके लिए बड़े पैमाने पर पी और के अर्थात् फॉस्फोरस एवं पोटाश का आयात होने लगा। इसके अलावा विदेशी कंपनियों से सीधी तौर पर खाद भी आने लगा। आज पूरे देश में सर्वाधिक आयात की तीन वस्तुएं हैं- पेट्रोलियम क्रूड, सोना और रासायनिक खाद। इसी से अंदाज लगाया जा सकता है कि खाद का व्यापार करने वाली अमेरिकी कंपनियां हमारे देश से कितना पैसा बटोरती हैं।
अब यदि देश को मधुमेहमुक्त करना है तो ये दोनों व्यापार खतरे में पड़ेंगे। इन्हें हमारे देश में पहुंचाने वाले और अपने देश में स्वागतपूर्वक लाने वाले, दोनों का व्यवसाय ठप्प हो जायगा। अरबों खरबों के अंतरराष्ट्रीय व्यापार में भूकंप आयेगा। क्या एक राष्ट्र की हैसियत से हम अमेरिका में ऐसा भूचाल लाने की क्षमता रखते हैं?

एक छोटे से विनोद, एक कौतुक को देखते हैं। केजरीवाल की खाँसी से चिंतित होकर प्रधानमंत्री ने उन्हें नागेंन्द्र गुरुजी के पास जाने का सुझाव दिया है। यही नागेन्द्र गुरुजी बंगलुरु में विवेकानन्द केन्द्र चलाते हैं और हाल ही में इन्होंने योग प्राणायम के माध्यम से देश को अगले बीस वर्षो में मधुमेहमुक्त करने का संकल्प लिया है। लेकिन उन्हीं के केन्द्र में यह भी पढ़ाया जाता है कि मनुष्य शरीर का सबसे बाहरी आवरण अन्नमय कोष कहलाता है, अर्थात् जैसा अन्न वैसा शरीर और वैसा ही मन भी। अन्नसे प्राण, प्राणसे मन, मनसे विज्ञान और विज्ञानसे 
आनन्द। इस प्रकार उपनिषदोंमें में अन्नमय कोष, प्राणमय कोष, मनोमय कोष,  विज्ञानमय कोष और आनन्दमय कोष की संकल्पना की गई है। तो जब तक रासायनिक खादयुक्त, कीटनाशकयुक्त, अन्न खाते रहेंगे तब तक योग और प्राणायाम से अधिक फायदा नहीं होने वाला। लेकिन ऐसे अन्न को नकारने का अर्थ है अमेरिकी रासायनिक खाद कंपनियों से पंगा लेना। उधर इन्सुलिन और दवाईयाँ बनाने वाली कंपनियां मनोयोग से गुरुजी को मनाने में जुटी हैं कि आप योग प्राणायाम के साथ थोड़ी सी हमारी दवाइयों की भी तारीफ कर दो, थोड़ी सी इनकी भी उपयोगिता बतलाते रहो। मधुमेहमुक्त भारत का सपना देखो पर मुधमेह का दवाइयों से मुक्त भारत का सपना मत देखो। 
तो कुल मिलाकर चित्र यह है कि एक ओर तो सरकार अपने देश की विदेशी-मुद्राएं इन आयातित वस्तुओं पर खर्च कर रही है- रासायनिक खाद और इन्सुलिन व अन्य दवाइयां। दूसरी ओर, इस आयात-खरचेकी भरपाई करने के लिए जिस-जिस निर्यात का सहारा लेना चाहती है, उसमें पहले नंबर पर गोमांस है। अर्थात् देश का अलभ्य पशुधन काटा जा रहा है। मशीनीकरण के युग में खेती के लिए भी बैलों को अनावश्यक एवं अनुपयोगी ठहराया जा चुका है। लेकिन गोबर के खाद की तुलना किसी भी अन्य खाद से करने पर गोबर ही सर्वश्रेष्ठ पाया जाता है। तो क्या हम गोबर के लिए पशुधन पालें (पोसें) या गोमांस के लिए? उत्तर यदि गोबर है तो उससे रासायनिक खाद का आयात और उसके साथ मधुमेह का आयात रोका जा सकता है। यदि उत्तर गोमांस है तो देश से गोमांस का निर्यात बढ़ सकता है, देश में पैसा आ सकता है। फिर देश में किसी को मिट्टी में काम करने की जरूरत नहीं रहेगी। सबको व्हाइट कॉलर जॉब मिलेंगे। " शहर में घर हो अपना " वाला कांग्रेसी चुनावी विज्ञापन भी सच हो जायगा।
हां, संसद के भाषण में प्रधानमंत्री मोदीजीने अवश्य कहा है कि सिक्किम की अर्थव्यवस्था सुधारना बहुत सरल है। चूँकि वहां अभी तक रासायनिक खाद नहीं पहुंची है अत: उनकी कृषि उपज हर प्रकार के रासायनिक खाद व कीटनाशकों से मुक्त है। अत: उन्हें अंतरराष्ट्रीय बाजार में निर्यात करने पर सिक्किम के किसानों की अच्छी कमाई हो सकती है, देश के निर्यात व्यापार में भी बढ़ोतरी हो सकती है। तो अब प्रश्न उठता है कि क्या ऑर्गेनिक खेती का मंत्र केवल सिक्किम के किसानों के लिए हो या देशभर के किसानों के लिए? ऑर्गेनिक खाद के लिए देश के पशुओं को बचाया जाय या फिर उन्हें गोमांस निर्यात के लिए कटवाकर हम दुबारा कारगिल जैसी विदेशी कंपनी को उनके देश से हमारे देशों में काऊडंग बेचने का ठेका दें -- जैसा एक बार डॉ. मनमोहन सिंह का प्रयास था जब वे नरसिंह राव सरकार के वितमंत्री थे?
ये और ऐसे कई प्रश्न मधुमेह के साथ जुड़े हैं। 
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Tuesday, March 17, 2015

dowry - a result of British rule reg property ?

Recd in email from Rajendra Deshpande rajuixu@yahoo.com 
The Origin of Dowry System –
- British Policies convert Gifts to Bride into an instrument of oppression against women

By Gurudev



The modern definition of the Dowry System in India is as follows.

 Dowry is a payment of cash or valuable gifts from the bride’s family to the bridegroom upon marriage.

This menace of Dowry has become a social menace in modern India leading to the oppression on women, physical violence on the bride, causing a financial and emotional stress on the parents of the bride, marital conflict and so on. This menace exists even today in the society even though it is a criminal offence to take Dowry during marriage.

The Status of Women in Ancient Indian Society

But what is the real history of this menace. Did it always exist in the Indian society? Was Indian society always oppressive of its women? On the one hand we have the ancient scriptures which talk about women with such high respect. The most powerful God in Hinduism is the female Goddess. Saraswati is the Goddess of Knowledge, not Brahma. Lakshmi is the Goddess of Wealth, not Vishnu. Parvathi is the Goddess of Power and Energy, not Shiva.

We only hear about Swayamvar in the ancient Hindu marriage traditions where it was the bride who decided whom to marry. There was no Swayamvadhu, the groom could not hold beauty contests to decide which bride to marry. Instead it was the girl who in a Swayamvar, would put all the competing potential bridegrooms to different contests and then select the bridegroom whom she liked. In the Swayamvar of Sita in Ramayana, Rama had to lift the Shiva’s bow to prove that he was eligible to marry Sita. In the Swayamvar in Mahabharatha, Arjuna had to hit the eye of the fish rotating above by only looking at the fish’s reflection in a pool of oil below.

So if this was the importance given to women in our tradition, then when and where did this contradiction of the menace of dowry enter our society? We don’t find any instances of dowry related violence in the literature of ancient times. Not even in the literature belonging to the pre-colonial era of India. So when did the Indian society adopt the evil version of dowry which has created numerous social problems in the Indian society ranging from female foeticide, violence on married women, financial stress on parents of girl child, imbalance in male-female ratio, broken marriages, mistrust between families, etc.

Dowry Murder: The Imperial Origins of a Cultural Crime, a well researched book by Veena Talwar Oldenburg tries to answer this question. In this book, the author follows the paper trail left by British bureaucrats during the British Colonial rule of India. And then there are personal accounts from women in India including author’s own personal account on the system of Dowry. And what gets revealed after all this path breaking research and analysis, gives a huge blow to the very theory of Dowry being directly responsible for the status of women in the Indian society and goes on to prove how a system meant to actually benefit the married woman got converted during the British Rule into a system which ended up harming the very woman who was supposed to benefit from it.

The Original Institution of Dowry in Pre-Colonial India

Yes, the system of Dowry existed in India even before the British Rule, but not in the format that is prevalent in the society today. In the pre-colonial period, dowry was an institution managed by women, for women, to enable them to establish their status and have recourse in an emergency. In this ancient system of dowry, the parents of the bride, even her kith and kin, all gave wealth to her in the form of valuable gifts etc. It was just like how parents used to give a part of wealth to their sons, so did they give it to their daughters too during the daughter’s marriage. What is very important to be noted here is that, the valuables or the wealth was given to the bride, and NOT to the groom or his family. In other words, the dowry wealth continued to be owned by the wife and not by the husband or his family. This gave the required financial independence to women who would even manage the income from their agricultural land , etc.

So in the original system of dowry prevalent in India, women were gifted wealth from their parents during marriage and this served as a tool of financial independence for the bride even after marriage.

Even during the initial days of the British rule, contemporary European writers Orme, the French Catholic missionary Jean-Antoine Dubois who came to India in 1792, Malcom etc have praised the status of Hindu women in India. Malcom says that the Hindu women “have a say in the affairs of the state, have a distinct provision and estate of their own, enjoy as much as liberty they desire”. Malcom also praises women rulers like Ahalya Bai of being great administrators.

Angry Brides - angrybrides.in - An Anti-Dowry Game

So when did the wrong turn take place?

The Permanent Settlement of Bengal – The British Land Reforms of India

It all started with the Permanent Settlement of Bengal in 1793 by the British under Lord Cornwallis. This enabled private ownership of land which was unknown in India till then. Private ownership of land was never practiced in India in the past. The land always belonged to the government and people only settled in the government’s land. If there was a flood in one place, people used to move on to another place in the kingdom. By introducing the permanent settlement, the British enabled the private ownership of land in India. All modern day real estate related violence in the country could hence be traced back to this act by the British. People there after started fighting over land.

It was this system which also created the system of Zamindars or landlords in India. Very few realize that the Zamindari system of landlords who ill treated peasants was created by the British rule. Till then, the zamindars were not land lords, but only tax collectors, collectors of land revenue who used to collect it from the farmers and hand it over to the local government. The Britishers converted these tax collectors into zamindars giving them the ownership of that land, and using them as a means to loot the farmers in the name of more tax. The zamindar or the landlord now owned the land, and it was hereditary ie the children of the landlords became the inheritors of the land.

The peasants on the other hand, suffered from this Permanent Settlement. They were left entirely at the mercy of their landlords, who also had share a in the production and which was not fixed! In the Pre-British system, kingdoms collected tax only during the times of surplus or sufficient growth, and the tax was used for the betterment of the society. But in the British rule, tax or Lagaan was collected irrespective of whether there was a famine or a flood, and tax rates were extremely high. It was looting in the daylight. Remember the movie Lagaan?

Prohibition of Property Rights for Women under the British Rule

But the move which affected the status of the women in the Indian society was the rule imposed by the British which prohibited the women from owning any property at all! And this was what created the menace of dowry system in India.

In the existing system, parents used to give wealth and valuable gifts to their daughters during marriage. And the bride continued to own this wealth even after her marriage and it provided the wife financial independence and there was usually no need for a wife to depend on her husband for her financial needs.

In fact, the situation even in 1870s was that,

In 49 separate volumes of customary law covering colonial Punjab, which today comprises Pakistan and Indian Punjab, Haryana, Jammu, Delhi and Himachal Pradesh, dowry has been described in the 1870s as a collection of voluntary gifts comprising clothes, jewellery, household goods and cash bestowed on the bride by family and friends at the time of the girl’s wedding. Nowhere was it described as the prerogative of the groom to make demands on the girl’s family. But the British at that time had not granted their own women property rights, so it was highly unlikely they would do so for Indian women. - Dowry murder as a legacy of British policies

But once the British prohibited women from having any property rights, it meant that all the wealth that a woman got from her parents would be owned by her husband instead. And the moment, this system of husband owning the wealth of his wife was created, the traditional dowry system got converted into a menace creating an institution of greed that oppressed, victimized and suppressed women. The greed that kicked in created a system where husband and his family started looking at the incoming bride as a source of property and wealth, the male dominated society became greedy, husband and in-laws started demanding more dowry from the bride and her parents. The social harmony and the bonding created by the institution of marriage was gone. Marriage became just another business deal, where making wealth was more easy. Male child became an additional source of income, and female child became a financial burden on the family. This led to the creation of the social problems like female foeticide and an imbalance in male-female ratio in the society, which further led to more crimes on women.

After the British prohibited women the right to own or inherit property, until 1956 the women in India did not have the right to inherit property from their parents. It was only in 1956 that the Hindu Personal laws were amended giving the right to women to inherit ancestral property.

But again those rights were not equal to those of men. Sons had an independent share in the ancestral property, while the daughters’ shares were based on the share received by their father. Hence, a father could effectively disinherit a daughter by renouncing his share of the ancestral property, but the son will continue to have a share in his own right. Additionally, married daughters, even those facing marital harassment, had no residential rights in the ancestral home.

IT WAS ONLY as recently as in 2005, when the Hindu laws were amended again, now providing women equal status with men in terms of ancestral property.

Please note that, we are only talking about Hindu women here, because that is how the law system we inherited from the British is. The British based on their divide and rule policy created different laws for different religions. Prior to that the laws in India varied based on geography, and not based on religion or caste of the person.

Successive governments in independent India have retained most of the laws we inherited from the British without much amendments. Hence today unfortunately, personal laws are different in India depending on which religion the person belongs to. For Muslim women and Christian women, the rights are even less. In fact, the Rajiv Gandhi government while in power in 1986 passed the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act just to nullify the Supreme Court’s judgment in the Shah Bano Case which had ordered the husband to provide maintenance money to his divorced wife, Shah Bano.

The marriage of Christians in India is still regulated by the Indian Christian Marriage Act of 1872 and and the Indian Divorce Act 1869. These acts were considered unfair to women, and the Christian Marriage and Matrimonial Causes Bill 1990 was proposed as a replacement, but no progress has been achieved into converting this bill into a law.

Strange that while we call ourselves a civilized society, we are fine with the personal laws being different for men and women depending on which religion one belongs to. And even strange is the fact that the calls for a Uniform Civil Code in the country which seeks uniform laws to all citizens irrespective of their religion is being frowned upon as being communal! How logical is it to say that the law of land applicable to a person depends on which religion he belongs to? Vote bank politics in the name of caste and religion continue endlessly in our society in the disguise of secularism and upliftment of the downtrodden. Even after 60 years of independence, we are still unable to uplift the marginalized sections of the society, they are being merely used as vote banks for the political class, and all that gets heard is the mere rhetoric every time an election approaches.

A Practical Solution to end the menace of Dowry

Yes, there is a law in India which makes taking dowry illegal and a criminal offence. And yet we keep coming across so many dowry harassment cases in the country on a daily basis.

I propose a simple solution to practically end the menace of dowry in the modern Indian society. There should be a law which would state that, upon marriage all the property of the husband would be automatically owned by the wife, ie there would be no property rights for married men, at least for a period of 10 or 20 years. This would make dowry meaningless because whatever wealth the bride brings in will still belong to her, and also does the wealth of her husband. So this would discourage all those men who marry merely for the sake of dowry. The pros and cons of this law can be debated upon, but I am pretty sure that this law, if implemented for a limited time period of say 30 or 50 years would be n times more effective in eradicating the menace of dowry from our society. What say? After all for a good husband, why should it matter if he owns the property or if his wife does? Ain’t it?

The above solution proposed has been discarded as it is prone to misuse, and instead a new solution has been proposed below which sounds more efficient and effective.

The solution is to create an anti-dowry cell similar to the anti-corruption wing in the legal system, where in the bride or her parents can inform the police about the dowry being demanded and make an arrangement to catch the groom or his family red handed while received dowry. Even if it is not possible for the police to arrive at the location where give-take of dowry happens, the same could be monitored by say hidden cameras provided by the legal system to the girl or her family members, which could even be monitored in real time by the police.

There is very little chance of misuse of this provision to harass the groom’s side as the proof gets recorded as and when the crime takes place. This also helps the problem be nipped in the bud, rather than being carried over into the post marriage scenario. There can be no solution without the victim refusing to be victimized. As an additional caution, it would be advisable for the legal system to be run by women officers, well trained in handling the menace of dowry.

Girls should also be educated and well informed about the negative impacts of dowry, and should be taught that they can lead a better life with more independence and happiness by being single rather than marrying a man demanding dowry. They should also make bold moves towards exposing families demanding dowry using the help of the legal system, at the same time the legal system should be made more accommodating to make the girls and their family members comfortable. Government can also announce rewards for girls and their families who expose those demanding dowry.

References:

Dowry Murder: The Imperial Origins of a Cultural Crime by Veena Talwar Oldenburg
Don’t condemn the institution of dowry
Land Tenure Reforms under British Rule
Dowry murder as a legacy of British Policies
The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act – 2005
Shah Bano Case


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Rajendra, this looks interesing, but needs tremendous authentication and supplimentary reading. 
1. But once the British prohibited women from having any property rights, it meant that all the wealth that a woman got from her parents would be owned by her husband instead. -- This is the mpst potenet syayemenr and you MUST quoye the enactmrnt as done by British. 
2. Another major rule practised by British was to disallow a women to adopt after death of her husband. This system of DATTAK was another safetynet for women. U need to study it. 
3. I know hat in Mithila (Bihar) girls used to get land in marriage and own it. You will get more material by studying the Mithila system.
4. Ageold tradition is that we had Rayatwari, which got deviated when foreign rule came.  Shivaji had re-introduced Rayatwari system-- read my article at
http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/17199786.cms?prtpage=1
5. However, the Mughals had Jamindari before that. So what was he difference in Revenue Collection system of Mughals and British?
6. Study the Code in Gpa. I am told the Portugese codified whatever was practised, and it includes a section which states that after marriage, the immovable and movable assets of both are to be registered and they become a combined property of both.
7.  It all started with the Permanent Settlement of Bengal in 1793 by the British under Lord Cornwallis. This enabled private ownership of land which was unknown in India till then. Private ownership of land was never practiced in India in the past. The land always belonged to the government and people only settled in the government’s land. If there was a flood in one place, people used to move on to another place in the kingdom. By introducing the permanent settlement, the British enabled the private ownership of land in India. All modern day real estate related violence in the country could hence be traced back to this act by the British. People there after started fighting over land.This is another potent statement and U need more material on this. 
Where are U doing your research? Pl supply details as lot of women study groups will benefit by corresponding with you. 
If possible, pl do give me a call at 020-25383472
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Monday, March 16, 2015

स्वातंत्र्यानंतर पाक प्रदेशातील राजे रजवाडे कुठे गेले

http://www.facebook.com/l.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Fen.wikipedia.org%2Fwiki%2FPrincely_states_of_Pakistan&h=YAQHzwT8H



अजीतजी, काल लीनाताईंनी एक छान प्रश्न विचारला जो सहसा कोणाच्या मनातही येत नाही, माझ्याही कधी आला नव्हता. पण लीनाताईंनी विचारल्यावर खरचं मलाही प्रश्न पडला.
Suhas Gurjar
त्याचं उत्तर तुम्हाला माहीत असेल बहुधा
Suhas Gurjar
जेव्हा भारताला स्वातंत्र्य दिलं गेलं तेव्हा सर्व संस्थानिकांना ब्रिटिशांनी स्वतंत्र रहायचं की भारतात वा पाकिस्तानात सामील व्हायचं ते ठरवण्याचं स्वातंत्र्य दिलं होत.
Ajit Pimpalkhare
I have not seen the question.
Suhas Gurjar
भारतात या सार्‍या संस्थानिकांना पटेलांनी साम दाम दंड भेद विविध तंत्रानी भारतात सामील करून घेतलं.
Suhas Gurjar
तस, पाकिस्तानात कोणी केले ?
Suhas Gurjar
आणि कसे केले
Suhas Gurjar
?
Ajit Pimpalkhare
सविस्तर लिहावे लागेल.मला link पाठवा
Suhas Gurjar
लिंक? कसली ? मी हा प्रश्न फेस्बुकवर नाही टाकलेला . इथं चॅटमधेच विचारतोय
Ajit Pimpalkhare
पाकिस्तानात 1969-1970पर्यन्त सन्स्थाने विलीन हाेत हाेती. रात्री सविस्तर लिहीताे.....

Bahawalpur in fact wanted to Join India and Sardar Patel send him back.
Suhas Gurjar
ohh

None of the states had any complusion to Join either India or Pakistan. British were controlling the princely states by what is called as "Doctrine of Paramountcy". This recognises the British crown as the paramount power.
Under Cabinet mission plan the states were to be left to do what they wanted. This was pure Lord Wavell trash. Wavell was handpicked by Churchill . This would left 665 inedependent states in India alone. The basis of the claim made by the States for a right to declare themselves independent lies in the Statement of 12th May 1946 issued by the Cabinet Mission in which they say that the British Government could not and will not in any circumstances transfer paramountcy to an Indian Government which means that the rights of the States which follow from their relationship to the Crown will no longer exist and that all the rights surrendered by the States to the paramount power will return to the States. The Statement of the Cabinet Mission that the Crown could not transfer paramountcy is obviously not a statement of political policy. It is a statement of law. The question is, is this a correct statement of the law as it applies to the States ? There is nothing original in the proposition set out by the Cabinet Mission. It is a mere repetition of the view propounded by the Butler Committee appointed in 1929 to examine the relationship between the Crown and the Indian States. As students of the subject know the Princes in the stand they took before the Butler Committee contended for two propositions :— (i) That Paramountcy could not override the terms and conditions contained in the Treaties between the Princes and the States but was limited by them. (ii) That the relations embodied in Paramountcy were of a personal nature between the Crown and the Princes and could not, therefore, be transferred by the Crown to an Indian Government without the consent of the Princes.. Thank god that we had friend in Lord Mountbatten. The entire pincelt state integration was a rdama cooked by Mountbatten , Gandhi , Nehru and Patel. Mountbatten knew that princes just could not say no or they would ever question anything told to Viceroy of India. This was instilled in them for over 150 years. He held a formal glittering Durbar and anounce in his grand style that the princes had to acede to either India or Pakistan. There was also fear that Indian masses and congress would murder them and join India. When the British decided to grant independence to India, the prime minister Sir C.P. Ramaswami Iyer,declared that Travancore would remain as an independent country, based on an "American model". There were agitations and Sir Ramsawamy was stabbed by a congress worker at the behest of congress high command; following which he resigned and left for Madras, to be succeeded by Sri P.G.N. Unnithan. After several rounds of discussions and negotiations between Sree Chithira Thirunal and V.P. Menon, the King agreed that the Kingdom should accede to the Indian Union in 1949. On 1 July 1949 the State of Travancore was merged with the State of Cochin and the short lived state of Travancore-Kochi was formed. This was the genreal pattern. All rulers were made to sign accession instruments as per 1935 constitution in 1947 and then slowly congress party and India tok control from 1947 to 1949. Mounbtbatten used his pomp and authority ( which he did not have) to push the rulers. The rulers were weak and useless so they readily agreed. Some of them were genuine patriots and willingly merged therestates.
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A Russian view on Pakistan

  • In the Russian view, there is another serious threat that should be discussed: Pakistan. Pakistan is a nation with nuclear weapons, various delivery systems and a domestic situation that is highly unstable. Russia assesses that Islamists are not only seeking power in Pakistan but are also trying to get their hands on nuclear materials. – Wikileaks, November 2010.
    The Russian assessment of the Pakistani nuclear threat has to be seen in the backdrop of Islamabad’s insecurity-fuelled weapons programme. The country has not only cranked up its production of nuclear warheads, it is doing so primarily in the area of battlefield nuclear weapons designed for use against the Indian Army’s armour and troop concentrations. While Pakistan’s strategic arsenal is said to be under constant scrutiny by US intelligence agencies, the tactical warheads will be located in forward bases, presenting a tempting target for terrorist groups.

    The exact number of nuclear warheads in any country’s armoury is a closely guarded secret, but guesstimates are that by the end of the decade Pakistan will overtake France’s tally of around 300 nuclear warheads.

    Strange as it may seem, many in the West blame India for Pakistan’s nuclear underground. They are India’s new Cold War military doctrine that is accelerating the production of nuclear weapons next door. That it’s the Americans – along with China – who had actively helped Pakistan develop nuclear weapons is conveniently forgotten.

    To be sure, Pakistan has embarked upon a wasteful militarisation programme that could wreck its economy because of the fear of India. According to Wikileaks, more than the al-Qaida, more than American plans to seize its nuclear stockpile, or even a hostile Afghan government, what’s causing jitters among Pakistani generals is Cold Start – a new version of blitzkrieg being perfected by the Indian Army.

    So deeply does it dread Cold Start that the Pakistani military has increased its output to an all-time high of over 20 nuclear bombs annually. To understand why Pakistan is now upping the ante with battlefield nuclear weapons, we need to understand the dynamics unleashed by Cold Start.


    India Army: Need for speed ::
    India and Pakistan have fought wars in 1948, 1965, 1971 and 1999. Each of these conflicts was launched by the Pakistani military with the knowledge that if its military thrusts failed, its patrons – the US and China – could be relied upon to work the diplomatic back channels, get the world media to raise the alarm, and issue veiled threats, thereby bringing pressure upon India’s political leadership to call off its attack.

    India’s military strategy was different. After the defending corps along the border soften Pakistan’s frontal positions, the mechanised columns of India’s elite strike corps roll across the border, destroy the core of the Pakistan Army and slice the country in two, giving the political leadership a huge bargaining advantage.

    Sounds like a bullet-proof strategy. But because India’s strike corps were based in central India, a significant distance from the international border, it took up to three weeks for these three armies – comprising hundreds of thousands of troops – to reach the front.

    Because of the long mobilisation period, the intervention by Western nations and the truce-happy nature of its political leadership, India’s military brass could not use its strike forces to their full potential.


    Quick Strikes ::
    Cold Start was designed to run around this logistical Maginot Line. The doctrine reorganises the Indian Army’s offensive power away from the three large strike corps into eight smaller division-sized battle groups that combine mechanised infantry, artillery, and armour in a manner reminiscent of the Soviet Union’s operational maneuver groups. According to Dr Subhash Kapila, an international relations and strategic affairs analyst at the New Delhi-based South Asia Analysis Group, Cold Start aims to seize the initiative and finish the war before India’s political leadership loses its nerve.

    “The long mobilisation time gives the political leadership time to waver under pressure, and in the process deny the Indian Army its due military victories,” says Kapila. “The new war doctrine would compel the political leadership to give political approval ‘ab-initio’ and thereby free the armed forces to generate their full combat potential from the outset.”


    The crux of Cold Start is ::
    Pakistan must not enjoy the luxury of time. Cold Start aims for eight “Battle Groups”, comprising independent armoured and mechanised brigades that would launch counterattacks within hours.

    These Battle Groups will be fully integrated with the Indian Air Force and naval aviation, and launch multiple strikes round the clock into Pakistan.

    Each Battle Group will be the size of a division (30,000-50,000 troops) and highly mobile unlike the strike corps.
    Ominously for Pakistan, the Battle Groups will be well forward from existing garrisons. India’s elite strike forces will no longer sit idle waiting for the opportune moment, which never came in the last wars.


    Calculus of War ::
    In a Harvard paper on Cold Start, Walter C. Ladwig writes, “As the Indian military enhances its ability to implement Cold Start, it is simultaneously degrading the chance that diplomacy could diffuse a crisis on the subcontinent. In a future emergency, the international community may find the Battle Groups on the road to Lahore before anyone in Washington, Brussels or Beijing has the chance to act.”

    Cold Start is also aimed at paralysing Pakistani response. Although its operational details remain classified, it appears that the goal would be to have three to five Battle Groups entering Pakistani territory within 72 to 96 hours from the time the order to mobilise is issued.

    “Only such simultaneity of operations will unhinge the enemy, break his cohesion, and paralyse him into making mistakes from which he will not be able to recover,” writes Gurmeet Kanwal, director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi.

    Agrees Ladwig: “Multiple divisions operating independently have the potential to disrupt or incapacitate the Pakistani leadership's decision making cycle, as happened to the French high command in the face of the German blitzkrieg of 1940.”
    Also, rather than seek to deliver a catastrophic blow to Pakistan (i.e., cutting the country in two), the goal of Indian military operations would be to make shallow territorial gains, 50-80 km deep, that could be used in post-conflict negotiations to extract concessions from Islamabad.

    Where the strike corps had the power to deliver a knockout blow, the Battle Groups can only “bite and hold” territory. This denies Pakistan the “regime survival” justification for employing nuclear weapons in response to India's conventional attack.
    Tactical nukes: Pakistan’s back-up

    Pakistan has declared it will launch nuclear strikes against India when a significant portion of its territory has been captured or is likely to be captured, or the Pakistani military suffers heavy losses.

    At the same time the Pakistani military is taking out another insurance policy – through battlefield nuclear weapons. The message is that Islamabad is prepared to use these compact warheads, which can be launched on purpose-built short range rockets, such as the much hyped Nasr, in the early days of war.

    This can be interpreted in two ways. One, Pakistan has come round to the thinking that it can never defeat the Indian Army. Two, the Pakistani generals believe Cold Start cannot be allowed to stymie their plan to bleed India “with a thousand cuts”. In their view, achieving nuclear deterrence is not a victory but to stop their proxy war against India would be a defeat. This is not something to be taken lightly as it shows that the Pakistani elites want perpetual conflict with India in order to control Pakistani resources for their own benefit.


    Calling the bluff ::
    What if Pakistan uses tactical nuclear bombs against the Indian Army’s Battle Groups the moment Cold Start is initiated? In Kapila’s view, Pakistan’s low nuclear threshold is a myth – perpetuated and planted by Western academia and think tanks. This suits the needs of the conservative American establishment in whose eyes India is a long-term rival and Pakistan a useful, if unreliable, ally. Unfortunately, India’s political leadership and its uncritical media have been brainwashed into believing that Cold Start has apocalyptic consequences.

    “Nuclear warfare is not a commando raid or commando operation with which Pakistan is more familiar," says Kapila. “Crossing the nuclear threshold is so fateful a decision that even strong American Presidents in the past have baulked at exercising it or the prospects of exercising it.” Pakistan cannot expect India would sit idle and suffer a Pakistani nuclear strike without a massive nuclear retaliation.


    Broken arrows: Threat for the West, not India ::
    The spectre of battlefield nuclear weapons under the direct control of commanders who sympathise with Islamic terrorists no doubt scares a lot of people. According to Wikileaks, in the Russian view, “extremist organisations have more opportunities to recruit people working in (Pakistan’s) nuclear and missile programmes”.

    Although Pakistan’s strategic nukes are stored in well guarded depots, the miniaturised tactical nukes are harder to supervise 24/7. To ensure battlefield nuclear weapons are used at the opportune time, field commanders need independent charge and prior clearance. This is why German Army commanders have independent control of American nuclear warheads kept at NATO bases in Germany.

    There is no need for New Delhi to feel alarmed. If, say, the al-Qaeda or the Islamic State manages to get hold of a battlefield nuke, the biggest threat is not to India but to Pakistan and the West. It is the West that made a Faustian bargain with Pakistan in order to target Russia. And like all Faustian bargains there comes a time to pay up. A broken arrow (code for a lost nuclear bomb) from Pakistan’s arsenal is more likely to explode in New York or London than New Delhi.

    However, if these terrorists brandish nukes against India, it is Pakistan that will have to deal with the consequences. American strategic analyst, Ralph Peters, the author of Looking for Trouble, says: “Let India deal with Pakistan. Pakistan would have to behave responsibly at last. Or face nuclear-armed India. And Pakistan's leaders know full well that a nuclear exchange would leave their country a wasteland. India would dust itself off and move on.”

    Islamabad is thus faced with the cold reality that India is prepared to undertake offensive operations without giving it time to bring diplomatic leverages into play. Since India has declared it will not resort to a nuclear first strike, the onus is on Pakistan and its patrons – the US and China. A South Asian nuclear exchange has the potential to spiral out of control, sucking in China, the US, the Islamic world and Russia. That would drive the global economy right over the cliff. Therefore, argues Kapila, “A nuclear conflict will take place in South Asia only if the United States wants it and lets Pakistan permissively cross the nuclear threshold.”


    Without firing a shot ::
    The beauty of Cold Start is it may never have to be used. It screws with the Pakistani military’s mind and forces the generals to spend time and scarce resources on finding ways to stop an Indian blitzkrieg.

    Cold Start also works to undermine the much smaller Pakistani economy. According to the Pakistani media, the threat of the Indian Cold Start doctrine and increase in India’s defence budget has prompted the Pakistan government to sharply increase its defence budget, further increasing the strain on that country’s fragile economy.

    However, if at all Pakistan uses tactical nuclear warheads on Indian armoured columns thundering towards its cities, it would end up devastating its own Punjabi heartland. Most Pakistani cities are close to the border and would become uninhabitable while India would lose only a small part of its army.

    Cold Start was devised by India’s brightest military minds to end the standoff in the subcontinent. In their view, no country can be allowed to export terror and brandish nuclear weapons at India, without a fitting response.

    As Chanakya wrote in the Arthashastra, the Indian treatise on statecraft, 2300 years ago: “The antidote of poison is poison, not nectar.”

    Sunday, March 15, 2015

    The Great Gene Robbery by Claude Alvares

    The Great Gene Robbery by Claude Alvares

    The Great Gene Robbery
    (First published by the Illustrated Weekly of India in its issue dated March 23, 1986
    In 1982, Dr M S Swaminathan withdrew from his position as Chairman of the Scientific Advisory Committee to the Cabinet (SACC) and deputy chairman of the Planning Commission – he was also earlier secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture – and defected to join the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) based at Los Banos in the Philippines as Director-General. The word ‘defected’ is used here on purpose: in no other country of the world, would a scientist in such a strategically important position, privy to all the country’s scientific secrets particularly of those related to food, be permitted to leave and overnight become the employee of an institution controlled by two private foundations so closely allied to American capitalism and US foreign policy interests.
    IRRI had been set up in 1960 as part of America’s efforts to control and direct rice research in Asia, even though American is hardly a rice eating country.
    A famous plant-breeder had once said, in regard to rice: ‘He who controls the supply of rice will control the destiny of the entire Asiatic orbit. The most important thing to the majority of the Asia is not capitalism or socialism or any other political ideology but food which means life itself, and in most of Asia, food is rice.’
    Earl Butz, a former US Secretary of Agriculture, is notorious for one sentence that he uttered in a course of an otherwise utterly insignificant life: ‘If food can be used as a weapon we would be happy to use it.’
    And today, as we near the end of the twentieth century, we have to admit that the research concerning the two major cereals that rule our lives – wheat and rice – is wholly directed and controlled by institutions set up under American imperialism.
    In many ways Dr Swaminathan’s appointment to IRRI would have been considered a demotion. While in India, he had lorded it over a scientific establishment that employed thousands of scientists, in the Philippines he would have not more than 200 scientists under him. The principal compensation, however, was the money, income tax free.
    Already this international institute, always run by American directors, was facing the collapse of its High Yielding Varieties (HYVs) strategy, as seed after seed fell victim to waves of pest epidemics. Urgently required was a massive expansion of IRRI’s rice germplasm, genes from which were essential for passing on resistance to the HYVs. The largest collection of rice varieties, of rice germplasm, remained in the Indian sub continent. Swaminathan’s appointment was critical to this quest.
    The IRRI is not a premier institute of science. It is a privately-controlled agricultural research centre. Even so, it is difficult to conceive of a man with Swaminathan’s record becoming its director general. Unless of course the person being appointed is known more for his ability to get things done than for his scientific work. Certainly no scientist with an equivalent scientific record would have found an appointment as director of, say, the Max Planck Institute, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), or the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR). I ask knowledgeable people in the Philippines how Swaminathan could have been appointed to the post of director general of IRRI. The most plausible answer was also the funniest.
    There were apparently three applicants for the post. The first, a vice-president of the Rockefeller Foundation, insisted on coming to the institute with both his wife and his mistress, if he got the job. The second candidate, from West Germany, was found, upon examination, not to have a degree that he had stitched on to his name. In comparison, Dr M S Swaminathan whom an article in the 1979 Yearbook of Science and the Future, published by the Encyclopedia Britannica, put in the company of Paul Kammerer and Cyril Burt, two of the leading scientific frauds of the twentieth century, appeared white as snow.
    _____________________________
    India is rice country. Rice is a critical component of a complex eco-system, tied to legends, used as symbol, essential witness at religious ceremonies and rituals. Such an immense preoccupation with rice would, which is to be expected, call forth its own brand of competence to grow it; so we find a bewildering number of techniques, some of which even today, place Indian rice farmers, some Adivasis, in a class far ahead of international science (see box).

    In the Jagannath Temple at Puri in Orissa, I was told, freshly harvested rice is presented to the deity everyday, and various varieties of rice, placed in pots, one on top of the other, with a single flame beneath the lowermost, still cook simultaneously. In Chattisgarh region there is a rice variety called Bora, which can be ground directly into flour and made into rotis. Other varieties have fascinating names, like the kali-mooch of Gwalior, the moti-chur and the khowa; the latter, as its name signifies, tastes like dried milk. The dhokra-dhokri, with its length of grain over 14 mm is the longest rice in the world and the variety Bhimsen has the largest width; there is variety called udan pakheru – because of its long, featherlike structure.
    There may have been as many as 1,20,000 varieties of rice in the country, adapted to different environments, and selected and evolved by farmers for specific human needs. These varieties are a product of nature’s desire for diversity, eagerly husbanded by indigenous and non-formal science.
    The Central Rice Research Institute (CRRI), at Cuttack, had been working on the different problems associated with rice culture ever since it had been set up in the late 1950s. Dr R H Richharia took over as its director in 1959, and a number of competent scientists had come up with interesting work that sooner or later would converge into a strategy to produce more rice. Already in 1963, C. Gangadharan, a CRRI scientist had, for example, produced a mutant variety that was short-statured and produced high yields. The institute had also been working on Taiwanese and Japanese varieties. The work was slow because it takes time to discover which varieties are stable, and resistant to diseases and pests.
    Gangadharan has placed the history of rice research in India into three major periods and the developments are highly suggestive. The first phase, from 1912 to the 1950s, concentrated on pure line selections, and by the end of the period, a total of 445 improved rice varieties, mostly the result of pure line methods of selection, were bred.
    But what is interesting for our purpose and which starkly illuminates the major schism that would soon develop between indigenous science and ‘international science’ is the broad list of objectives of this early research. Gangadharan lists nine including earliness, deep water and flood resistance, lodging resistance, drought resistance, non-shedding of grain, dormancy of seed, control of wild rice, disease resistance and higher response to heavy manuring. Since pure line selection is itself based on natural selection occurring over centuries, there was no problem of incompatibility between genes and the environment, and therefore no pest problem.
    The second phase was less promising. It involved the initially unsuccessful effort at hybridising the Japonica and Indica varieties. The objective, writes Gangadharan, ‘was to transfer the high yielding ability and response to fertilisers that characterise the Japonicas into local Indica varieties which are adapted to local conditions of culture and to the prevalent diseases and pests. Japan had used chemical fertilisers from the beginning of this century and Japonicas showed a response under Japanese conditions whereas the Indicas had not been cultivated under high fertility conditions.’
    Only four successes were reported from this programme. The problem was that the Japonicas were both photo-period and temperature sensitive and additionally the seed had been brought from some of the coldest regions of Japan. When these varieties were planted in the tropical environment, they not only gave different but negative results. The introduction of the Philippines semi-dwarf varieties put an abrupt end to this line of research. Later the CRRI imported seed from the milder, temperate region of Japan. This time the efforts were successful but IRRI’s control over the rice research programme would effectively keep these efforts out of circulation, and science.
    Which brings us to the third phase inaugurated by IRRI, and also the subject of this investigation.
    IRRI was established on the basis of a note written by a Rockefeller official in 1959. Both the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations put up the money to start the institute, which was established formally in 1960 and began functioning fully in 1962. From start to finish, the CRRI would be no match in an unequal battle all the way. The IRRI officials would literally buy rice scientists from different parts of Asia, and take over most of the outstanding talent simply because of IRRI’s ability to offer them salaries not only in dollars, but out of proportion to what they received in their own countries, and its ability to provide accommodation, and opportunities for educating staff children anywhere in the world.

    By 1966, IRRI had come up with its first success. It is important to emphasise that whereas the CRRI had nine objectives governing its research, IRRI had only one. IR8 was a semi-dwarf rice variety, the result of a cross between an Indonesian tall rice plant and a Taiwanese dwarf variety. Distinctive of the plant was its ability to stand heavy fertilisation, and heavier yields, without lodging. (It also inaugurated a vast market for American fertilisers all over Asia). Without water, fertilisers and pesticides, IR8 did not perform extraordinarily better than the older rices. The disadvantage of the latter was solely that they tended to lodge when given extra nutrients, thus leading to losses.
    The CRRI had, as mentioned earlier, been working with identical material and in fact had isolated dwarf varieties from Taiwan that were free from susceptibility to viral attacks. When the news arrived that the Indian government was planning, at the insistence of IRRI experts, to import the new IRRI seed in bulk into India, Dr Richharia, CRRI director, objected.
    The government seems to have found Dr Richharia’s advice contradictory: earlier, it had been informed by the CRRI that Taichung varieties could provide a breakthrough in rice production; now Richharia was objecting to their import. The contradiction stemmed from the fact that bureaucrats and politicians have little grounding in genetics: they did not seem to understand that seed tested after numerous adaptive trials over many seasons, and then selected and multiplied, is radically different from seed imported in bulk from abroad. The latter, because of its mixed population, will contain seed carrying disease and which might be susceptible to pests. IRRI at that point of time was too keen to get its seeds grown on a large scale before decisions could be reversed, to subscribe to caution of any kind.
    It was also the tremendous leverage that the Americans maintained over the Indian science establishment that enabled IRRI to ride roughshod over the protests of Indian scientists. Though the country was allegedly nonaligned in politics, most of its policies in science and economics were largely under the control of Americans. Thus the community development programme originated with Albert Myers. Douglas Emswinger of the Ford Foundation once boasted that he had better access to Pandit Nehru than any of the latter’s cabinet colleagues. Dr Richharia first came to know of his appointment to the director’s post at the CRRI from an American, Prof Claim. Dr. Robert Chandler, director of IRRI, reported directly to Agriculture Minister, C. Subramanam.
    Chandler, in his recent account of the IRRI, An Adventure in Applied Science, has admitted that he had never seen a rice plant when he took over as director of IRRI. Yet, it was at his instigation, and because he had been castigated once by Dr Richharia for bringing rice seed into the country without a quarantine certificate, thus violating the country's laws, that the government decided to retire Dr Richharia, at that time one of the world's leading rice specialists.
    Once IR8 and TN1 had become fairly established within India and all rice research oriented solely in the direction of semi-dwarfs using these parents, IRRI would naturally retain the lead, with large doses of political clout and advertising to make up for shortfalls in science. Rice scientists from Asia, if they wished to make a career, would have to support the IRRI research direction.
    One additional significant factor that seems to have made an impact on the government at the time were the disastrous harvests of 1965 and 1966. What weighed with the Government of India (and also former President Marcos of the Phillipines) in choosing to uncritically deploy IRRI technology, was that the latter, for the first time, offered an almost automatic method of raising food that would place it within the control of the administration, taking it out of the hands of the peasants. If the government concentrated its resources in a few, well-endowed areas, using the HYV package, it could produce a sizeable output of food that would be independent of the whims of the monsoons. Again, the very method of agriculture, based on expensive inputs, required credit, and this assured the government that a good proportion of the grain thus produced would end up in the market, in the hands of government procurement agencies, and could then be used to keep prices stable in the cities.
    Two major developments totally ruined the prospect of a promised land overflowing with rice and honey. The first was economic: the oil price hike of 1973 effectively limited a fertiliser-based agricultural strategy. It would make Green Revolution inputs so expensive that they would have to be subsidised by Governments, if farmers were not to give up using them forever. The second major problem, also irreversible, arrived in the form of disease and insects. The growing of varieties with a narrow genetic base (all with the same dwarfing gene, dee-gee-wo-gen), upset insect ecology and invented entire generations of pests. Dr Swaminathan has himself made quite a shameless summary of the fate of IRRI varieties, in a recent issue of Mazingira. He writes:
    ‘It is difficult to develop a variety that has a useful life of more than five to six years in tropical environments unless genes for horizontal (more stable) resistance are identified and incorporated. Year round rice cultivation causes disease and insect organisms to occur in overlapping generations and increases the chance of new races or biotypes developing; thus new pest problems continuously arise. Variety IR8, released in 1966, suffered from serious attacks of bacterial blight (BB) in 1968 and 1969. In 1970 and 1971, outbreaks of rice tungro virus (RTV) destroyed IR8 yields throughout the Philippines. The IR20 variety, released in 1969, had BB resistance and RTV tolerance, and it replaced IR8 in 1971 and 1972. However, outbreaks of brown plant hopper (BPH) and grassy stunt virus (GSV) in 1973 destroyed IR20 in most Philippine provinces. Variety IR26, with BPH resistance, was released in 1973 and became the dominant Philippine variety in 1974 and 1975. In 1976, a new BPH biotype attacked it and IR36 was released; it had a different gene for resistance to the new BPH biotype and replaced IR26 within one year. It is now the dominant variety in the Philippines. Its resistance to BPH has held till recently, but it is now being threatened by ragged stunt and wilted stunt (both new diseases), as well as by another new biotype of BPH (No. 3).
    In India, the situation was equally horrifying. All of Dr Richharia's predictions had come true. ‘The introduction of high-yielding varieties,’ noted a task force of eminent rice breeders, ‘has brought about a marked change in the status of insect pests like gall midge, brown planthopper, leaf folder, whore maggot, etc. Most of the HYVs released so far are susceptible to major pests with a crop loss of 30 to 100 per cent... Most of the HYVs are the derivatives of TN1 or IR8 and therefore, have the dwarfing gene known as dee-gee-wo-gen. The narrow genetic base has created alarming uniformity, causing vulnerability to diseases and pests. Most of the released varieties are not suitable for typical uplands and lowlands which together constitute about 75 per cent of the total rice area of the country.’
    The IRRI counter-strategy against the pests involved breeding of varieties, with genes for resistance to such pests, taken from wild relatives of the rice plant and its traditional cultivars. All of a sudden it seemed critical that massive efforts be made to make as complete a collection of the older varieties: many of the traditional Indicas were found to be important donors for resistance. Gene incorporation strategy, in other words, required vast germplasm resources, most of which were to be found in India. The recruitment of Dr M S Swaminathan would be instrumental in the task of collection.
    In India, again, Dr Richharia stood in the way.
    After he had been retired from service at Chandler's insistence, Richharia had gone to the Orissa High Court, where for three years, alone, he fought a legal battle that ruined his family, disrupted the education of his children, and brought tremendous strains on his wife's health. The legal battle was successful, for in 1970, the Court ordered his reinstatement as director of the CRRI. He had redeemed his honour.
    In the meanwhile, the Madhya Pradesh government had appointed Dr Richharia as an agricultural advisor, and the rice man set about his disrupted rice work once again, with his usual zeal. Within the space of six years, he had built up the infrastructure of a new rice research institute at Raipur. Here, this extraordinarily gifted and imaginative rice scientist maintained over 19,000 varieties of rice in situ on a shoestring budget of Rs. 20,000 per annum, with not even a microscope in his office-cum-laboratory, situated in the neighbourhood of cooperative rice mills. His assistants included two agricultural graduates and six village level workers, the latter drawing a salary of Rs.250 per month. Richharia had created, practically out of nothing, one of the most extraordinary living gene banks in the world, and provided ample proof of what Indian scientists are capable of, if they are given proper encouragement.
    An attack of leaf blight that devastated the corn crop of the US in 1970, and which had resulted from the extensive planting of hybrids that shared a single source of cytoplasm, and the continuous attacks on IRRI varieties, impelled IRRI to sponsor a Rice Genetic Conservation Workshop in 1977. Swaminathan attended it as an ‘observer’. The report of that workshop begins with the statement: ‘The founders of IRRI showed great foresight when in 1960-61 they planned the establishment of a rice germplasm bank.’ Nonsense. The certified aims and objects for the institute merely talk of a collection of the world's literature on rice. The workshop, being held 17 years after the establishment of IRRI, indicated that the germplasm problem was becoming important only now.
    After the workshop, IRRI's covetous gaze fell on Richharia’s 19,000 varieties at the Madhya Pradesh Rice Research Institute (MPRRI). Not only had Richharia now uncovered a fascinating world of traditional rices, some of which produced between 8-9 tonnes per hectare – better than the IRRI varieties – he had also discovered dwarf plants without the susceptible dwarfing gene of the IRRI varieties. His extension work among the farmers would soon begin to pose a direct challenge to IRRI itself.
    IRRI staff members journeyed to Raipur and asked for his material. Still moulded in the old scientific tradition, he refused because he had not studied the material himself. He was decidedly against any proposal for ‘exchange’, for this could only mean giving up his uncontaminated varieties for IRRI's susceptible ones.
    So the IRRI did the next best thing: it got the MPRRI shut down!
    The ICAR floated a scheme for agricultural development in Madhya Pradesh, particularly for rice. The World Bank contributed Rs.4 crores. The condition laid down was: close down the MPRRI, since it would lead to a ‘duplication of work.’ At a special meeting of the MPRRI Board, Madhya Pradesh's chief secretary who was not a trustee, was present. He had been earlier connected with the Ford Foundation. A resolution was passed closing down the Institute, and the rice germplasm passed over to the Jawaharlal Nehru Krishi Vishwa Vidyalaya (JNKVV), whose vice-chancellor, Sukhdev Singh, also joined the IRRI board of trustees. Scientists were sent to IRRI for training in germplasm transfer, and Richharia's team was disbanded.
    This time too, they locked Dr. Richharia's rooms and took away all his research papers.
    On June 4, 1982, Dr M N Shrivastava, rice breeder, JNKVV, wrote to P S Srinivasan, the IRRI liaison officer, addressed it care of Ford Foundation, New Delhi, enclosing two sets of material as requested by T. T. Chang of IRRI: ‘First set (264 accessions) is from our early duration collection and second set (170 samples) is part of those varieties which were identified to be popular with the farmers of Madhya Pradesh and Dr R H Richharia, former director of MPRRI, purified them and recommended replacing originals with these purified versions.’
    But with Richharia out of the fray, nature herself now jumped into the ring. It responded with the necessary mutations, and began to lay low the new pest resistant varieties, rendering even the strategy of gene incorporation, of temporary utility. And then, in a fashion that only those with some respect for nature's awesome ways would understand, it delivered the coup de grace.
    The distinctive success of the HYVs lay in their being short stemmed, able to stand heavy nitrogen applications without lodging, when compared with the older varieties. The incorporation of more and more genes from traditional cultivars not only passed on resistance characters, but also the tendency to lodge. Ergo, modern varieties began to lose their non-lodging character, the main advantage they had against the older cultivars.Research Highlights for 1983, an IRRI publication, observes:
    ‘Modern rices produce high grain yields with large amounts of applied nitrogen. However, heavy applications increase lodging, which reduces yields. Additionally, as higher levels of insect pest and disease resistance have been bred into modern semi-dwarf varieties, lodging resistance has tended to decline.’
    The green revolution in rice had begun to involute.
    What then have been the ‘achievements’ of such corrupt and politically naive science? (One set of all IRRI germplasm has been sent to Fort Collins, the maximum security installation in the US, without the permission of the Indian government). Has such science achieved any of its declared aims? Bharat Dogra summed it up:
    ‘Starting from just five million hectares in 1970-71, over 18 million hectares or nearly half the area of (rice) has now been brought under the HYVs programme till 1982-83... Therefore, this crop must have received a substantial share of the benefit of the overall increase in irrigation and the increase in the overall consumption of NPK fertilisers. However, compared to the increase in the area under HYVs and the increase in fertilisers and irrigation, the production of rice has increased to a lesser extent. During the period mentioned above (1970-71 to 1982-83), the production of rice has gone up from 42.23 million tonnes to 46.48 million tonnes. Assuming the production of non-HYVs did not experience any increase at all and all the difference in rice production was on HYVs land, we get an increase in production of about 4 million tonnes as a result of extension of HYVs programme to nearly 13 million hectares of land. In other words, an increase of 0.31 tonnes was achieved with HYV per hectare. This is a relatively small accomplishment which could have been easily achieved even without the expensive HYV programme and its infrastructure by making better use of village-based resources.’
    A 33-member official working group headed by K C S Acharya, additional secretary in the ministry of agriculture, has determined that the growth rate of rice production after the Green Revolution has been less when compared with the pre-Green Revolution period.
    Millions of hectares of rice are now routinely devastated by BPH and other pests and no compensation is available to farmers who are induced to take to such ‘modernised’ agriculture. Such pest infestations have been introduced into the Indian environment. The IRRI officials knew what they were doing, and they did it for the cheap objective of wanting to assert IRRI primacy.
    The unmonitored, hasty introduction of HYVs of seed has led to genetic erosion of tremendous proportions, as hundreds of priceless traditional varieties have been lost to mankind. It is only in the eighties that the IRRI has begun to acknowledge the true worth of the older varieties. What a curious circle of events!
    The IRRI inaugurated the revolution in rice by holding in ridicule the basis of traditional agriculture – the traditional cultivar, itself the result of close trial and error experimentation by farmers over decades – and sought to displace it with its own product, the HYV. However, since the HYV was not closely adapted to any environment, it required extensive support, having attracted pest infestations on a mass scale. Protection could only come from the same traditional cultivars, which at the time of HYV propagation, had been loaded with abuse.
    Is there a way out: how can such a state of science exist nearly 40 years after independence? Why does the director of the CRRI continue to remain as a trustee of the IRRI, which he has been since 1979? To continue and deepen the dependence? The IRRI has no future, politically, and also as far as research is concerned. Politically, its future was tied to former President Marcos, and Filipino farmers and scientists had already begun to demand its closure. As far as research is concerned, the IRRI has no new ideas, and is now eagerly visiting China to learn Chinese techniques of growing hybrid rice, the next frontier in rice yield enhancement.
    The CRRI has ample talent to match Chinese science. It has still vital access to hundreds of indigenous cultivars (a recent count of rice collection centres indicated that there were about 44,000 varieties, whereas the IRRI has 70,000). What then should be done?
    First, the CRRI should be upgraded to international standards, for that is the only sure guarantee of the funds it needs, and which it has been deprived of, ever since Indian politicians decided to back IRRI science. Today, the CRRI germplasm unit does not have even a jeep to operate its collection of rice cultivars.
    Second, all further export of rice germplasm to IRRI should be banned, since germplasm is part of our national heritage, and its preservation is enjoined by the Constitution in the chapter on Fundamental Duties. Third, steps should be taken to gradually replace IRRI varieties, and all those having IRRI parents, with productive indigenous varieties in the fields. This is already happening in the Philippines: farmers are exchanging old varieties with each other, disowning IRRI seeds, aptly described as ‘seeds of imperialism’ and ‘seeds of sabotage.’
    There seems to have been some awareness at the level of the government that the rice revolution had been grounded, due to environmental and economic factors. The late Prime Minister, Mrs Gandhi, had asked Dr Richharia for a rice production increase plan. After he submitted it, he heard no more about it. After an article by Dom Moraes on Richharia, the M. P. Government hastily set about attempting to find some funds to ask the latter to resume his work. Now that proposal has been scotched by the same forces that once got the MPRRI to close down.

    More than 25 years have passed in this costly, wasteful, environmentally unsound, flirtation with the exogene. The sorry and sad record only serves to underline the principle – despite our continuing mesmerisation by western science – that for genuine development of any worthwhile kind, the indigene is still the best gene.
    (Ends)